Original

Igbo names and spellings for various settlements
Abakaliki is Abankaleke; Afikpo is Ehugbo; Awgu is Ogu; Awka is Oka; Bonny is Ubani; Enugu is Enugwu; Ibusa is Igbuzö; Igrita is Igwuruta; Oguta is Ugwuta; Onitsha is Onicha; Owerri is Owere; Oyigbo is Obigbo... any more will be added.

Sunday, November 4, 2018

Names in Igbo folk religion

A few examples of Igbo folk religious names primarily found as peoples surnames today.

Christian influence from the early 20th century altered many of these names and encouraged the proliferation of ‘Chi’ names, ‘Chi’ roughly means a life source but missionaries took it for the Christian God; a name like ‘Chioma’ which originally meant ‘good chi’ – ‘lucky’ became ‘God is good’. With Christian influence more names became centred on ‘God’, in the past names were related more with philosophy, dates, and circumstances at birth.

Àlà names

Names dedicated to the Earth Mother Àlà / Ànà / Ànị̀ are very numerous emphasising the importance of Àlà in Igbo society as the chief spiritual force on earth after the high God and derivatives. [Interestingly, most ‘Chi’ in names like Chiedozie, Chinyere, Chiemeka, Chijioke, Chika today can be substituted with Ani / Ana / Ala like Aniedozie, Aninyere, Alaemeka, Anijioke, Anika.]

Àlà / Ànà / Ànị̀ - The Earth Mother (deity)
Ájáànà / Ájáàlà (f) - Ala, the earth mother
Ànàzọ́nwụ́ - Ala protects from death
Ànị̀àgolu - Ala has obtained / provided
Ànị̀ẹ̀mẹ́ká - Ala has ‘done’ beyond our wishes
Ànị̀kà - Ala is greater
Ànị̀gèkwú - Ala will speak [for the meek] / carry out her divine will [in our favour], Ala will vindicate her followers, Ala will embarrass detractors
Ànị̀ékwénáńsí (Ekwensi) - Ala protect from poison / witchcraft / evil
Ànị̀èdózíé - Ala has protected, restored, repaired
Ànị̀ẹ̀mẹ́ná - Ala has done it all / answered our wishes
Ànị̀yẹ̀mézè - Ala bestowed leadership on me
Ànị̀chèbé (Achebe) - Ala guard us
Ànàgọ̀zíé - Ala bless us
Ànị̀gbòọ̀gụ̀ - Ala has prevented a fight [Perhaps by the birth of a child a fight over a woman’s fertility was avoided.]
Ànị̀wètà / Ànị̀wètàlụ̀ - Ala brought [this child]
Ágwụ - The deity of divination
Amádíọ̀hà - Ágbàrà of justice, lord of lightening
Ányánwụ́ - The deity / power of the sun
Chí - Soul, providence
Chíọ́má - Good chí, lucky
Chímà - Chí knows, a resolute compass of providence (chí).
Chíkà - Chí is great, an infallible compass of providence (chí).
Èjìọ̀fọ́ (Ejiofor) (m) - Righteous, wielder of the staff of divine authority / justice (ọ̀fọ́) [ọ̀fọ́ were usually held by male heads of the family obtained from the naturally fallen branches of a special tree and were used as a staff of authority that could be sworn on.]
Èjìogù (m) - Righteous, swearer to the face of divine justice (ógù) [Somebody who is innocent and swears to ógù (íjí ógù) has divine backing over an accuser and an accuser may be harmed (ị́bà ùrè) if their name is called upon.]
Ígwé - The sky deity, or leader
Íkéǹgà (m) - The cult figure of the right hand
Ìwúányánwụ́ - The law of the sun (deity)
Kámálụ́ / Kámánụ́ / Kálụ́ / Kánụ́ - Amadioha, ágbàrà of justice, lord of lightening
Ńdígwé - Heavenly descendants, heavens favoured.
Ǹjọ́kụ / Íféjíọ́kụ - Ágbàrà (deity) of yam, agriculture, and fire [who the new yam festival is partly dedicated to.]
Nwágbàrà / Nwágbàlà - Child (devotee) of an Ágbàrà, under divine grace.
Nwányánwụ́ - Child (devotee) of Ányánwụ́
Nwàlà - Child (devotee) of Àlà
Nwádíbìà - Child of a dibia (diviner)
Nwágwụ - Child (devotee) of Ágwụ
Nwáḿụ́ọ́ - Child of a spirit
Nwáǹjọ́kụ / Nwáíféjíọ́kụ́ - Child (devotee) of Ǹjọ́kụ
Nwígwé - Child (devotee) of Ígwé, or descendant of a titleder

Woman of Öka (Awka)

A woman of Öka (Awka) photographed by British colonial government anthropologist Northcote Thomas, 1910-1911. Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge.

Mgburuichi - Bruchee - Breechee

An mgburuichi, an Igbo person with ichi marks associated with Nri. Northcote Thomas, Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, Cambridge. Igbo people were the largest group among people who had escaped enslavement on plantations in Jamaica, mgburuichi were known as 'Bruchee.'

"They were respected throughout Igboland. We have facial marks (ichi) that distinguish us from other Igbo people, and this served as a passport, enabling us to travel unharmed at a time when human beings were essential commodities. People with ichi marks were regarded as Nri men, and were not enslaved. It was probably because of this that some parts of Igboland started to wear ichi."
A 'runaway' advertisement from Jamaica, requesting the capture of escaped enslaved people for a reward in return, noted is an "Eboe man, with the Breeche cut on his forehead," this is an mgburuichi, an Igbo man with ichi marks likely from today's Anambra State. From a compilation of 18th century advertisements for escaped enslaved people in Jamaica. There are over 100 Igbo (Eboe) people listed.
The fact that Igbo "Breechee" show up in Jamaica among runaways from 1777-1793 is significant. It is a concrete sign that the trans-Atlantic slave trade had reached all the way to the Nri heartland in the Anambra valley of northern Igboland, and that by the 1770s (if not earlier) the social violence wrought by slaving and the agawhu (merchant-warlords) was violating even the ancient sacred authority—and the personal safety—of titled "Nri men," who no longer were preserved from capture or kidnapping and enslavement.
– Douglas B. Chambers. "The Igbo Diaspora in the Era of the Slave Trade."

Boy of Mgbakwu

A boy of Mgbakwu, p.d. Anambra State, photographed by British government anthropologist Northcote Thomas between 1910 and 1911. The pictures were taken as part of colonial studies on African people in order to find the best way to rule over them, a crucial study for the implementation of indirect rule. MAA Cambridge. (The original picture is black and white, this is a digitally coloured copy by Ụ́kpụ́rụ́, 2018).

To see this picture is to see one of the first ‘Nigerians.’ Aged around 7 or 8 maybe, with this photo taken between 1910 and 1911, presuming that he lived a long life past his 70’s, this doe-eyed boy of Mgbakwu may have seen the invasion of his town by the British Empire’s West African Frontier Force. Igbo settlements were still fighting back imperialism at this time. His whole world, or at least, that of his parents are about to change forever. He may have heard the word ‘Nigeria’ for the first time around the time this picture was taken. He would have gone from simply an onye Mgbakwu to a ‘Nigerian.’ Just three or four years after this picture was taken was WWI, and the amalgamation of the Northern Protectorate with the Southern Protectorate, where his home is. He may have been one of the first people in his family to be Christened, he may have gone to a mission school. He may have been given a European name. He would have seen the rise of warrant chiefs, the other invasion of ‘native authority’, that is the rise of ‘His Royal Majesty’s’ and ‘His Royal Highness’s.’ He may have eventually heard about the Women’s War of 1929 and heard about and witnessed some of the terrorism which occurred under the colonial regime. Eventually, he may have even casted a vote for a man named Nnamdi Azikiwe, his age mate. He would have gained greater knowledge of peoples far across the Niger and a river named Benue, people who had also ‘become’ Nigerian like him and by no choice of theirs now had linked destinies, he may have even travelled to live amongst them. If he lived long enough, he would have seen the independence of Nigeria. He may have seen the war.

Lady of Igbariam

This is a cropped and coloured part of a larger picture of a young woman from Igbariam, photographed by Northcote Thomas, a British colonial government anthropologist, with brass and ivory jewellery.

With the unreformed colonial-era style education system and general thought, art is considered a frivolous endeavour, learning is completely tied to acquiring capital, and the local economy is neglected (everything’s imported). All of these factors have contributed to the loss of a few indigenous forms of craftsmanship and their markets. What also gets lost with the death of a particular kind of indigenous art form or craft are the ancient motifs, techniques, and design and technology associated with them.

In the Igbo worldview, art is the physical expression and embodiment of the spirit. Technical knowledge of a particular craft or art form was passed on from generation to generation under tutelage and mentorship. One art which seems to have disappeared in the Igbo area is jewellery making, indigenous blacksmithing in general is also in danger of disappearing.

Chi and Chi-na-eke: Dualism in divinity

Photo: Igbo double bell/gong. British Museum. 1930s.
The relationship between chi and Chineke is by far more complex and enigmatic. [...] Chineke as a single word-form for "God" suggests a later Christian missionary introduction. [...] It would appear that at the cognitive level the Igbo refer primarily to chi na (and) eke, which connotes two inseparable and complementary deities rather than the single overriding God of Christian belief. The other possible meaning [...] chi that creates, [...] is apparently foreign to Igbo way of thought. [Note:] In an original socio-literary essay Achebe (1975: 100) makes the seminal point that "the early missionaries" made the initial mistake of treating chi and eke as one God, Chineke ("Chi that creates").
[...] Thus, one of my "old" and "reliable" informants seems not to recognize the contradiction in these two assertions of [...] chineke kere uwa (chineke that made the world) but had no definite idea of him"; [...] "chi is what we know as 'god', chineke was introduced by the whiteman." [...] Eke and chi combined, if I may paraphrase his speech, exercise authority over "creation" in all its ramifications as a natural rather than imaginative or human inventive process; there is no concrete representation of eke and no sacrifices or prayers to it either; chi is the one that demands and gets all such ritual attention because eke is what chi gives to every person—that is, one's "destiny" or "fate." He added that the personal name "Ekezie" refers to the idea of "onye yo ziri uwa", i.e., one held to have reincarnated very well. My informant concluded: "eke na chi wọ otu mana eke siri na chi bia." (Eke and chi are one and the same but eke originates from chi.)
[...] [C]hi and eke are like two stones that must be struck together in order to produce a spark. [...] [T]he two tend to coalesce rather than bifurcate. In this sense the notion of duality, which [...] characterizes Igbo philosophy of life, is placed in a broader context. For not only chi and eke, a series of other analogous "stiff twin compasses" exist, e.g., ọfọ na ogu, akọ na uche, ikwu na ibe, ọgu na mgba, okwu na uka, and nta na imo. [...]

– I. Chukwukere (1983). "Chi in Igbo Religion and Thought: The God in Every Man." Anthropos, Bd. 78, H. 3./4. (1983), pp. 529–531.

Saturday, November 3, 2018

Iko Concubinage

Photo: Wall painting on an Ekpe house in Umuajata, Olokoro (Umuahia) painted by an Anang artist. G. I. Jones, c. 1935.
The Igbo lay more emphasis on the father-child relationship than on the husband-wife relationship or any other relationship in the kinship syndrome. The sexual services in the 'family' are channelled towards a most important social goal: the perpetuation of the male line. There is no emphasis among the Igbo on sexual services being exclusive and confined to husband and wife. All that the cultured demands is that sex be institutionalized. Iko mbara [institutionalised male and female concubinage] is one such institution.
... In a cross-cultural perspective, it becomes quite clear that, over space and time, the evocation of sexual jealousy or sexual tolerance is the product of social values-the result of conditioning. People are sexually jealous, tolerant, or intolerant according to the ideas they have about sex.
– Victor C. Uchendu (1965). "Concubinage among Ngwa Igbo of Southern Nigeria." Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 35, No. 2. pp. 193, 195.

Origin of the Modern Igbo Number System

Entry from the dictionary of the Igbo language centering around the Onicha and Asaba dialects, by British government colonial anthropologists Northcote Thomas, 1914.
Many views and suggestions were put forward and the matter was widely discussed before the war. Two years after the war a consensus was reached and since 1972 a new counting system has been in use. …
Perhaps we might be interested in how Igbo came by the names for the place values [the Igbo Standardisation Committee, headed by F. C. Ogbalu]. It did so without borrowing except from within the rich resources of its many dialects. It specialized the meanings of single non-sentential words in the different dialects, whose meanings for the higher numbers were until then rather vague. Thus:
puku (1,000) was 'uncountable’ in a number of the Central dialects.
nde (1,000,000) was 'uncountable' in a number of the Central dialects where ǹdè was known to be higher in value than puku.
ìjèri (1,000,000,000) represented 'uncountable' in a number of West Niger Igbo dialects.
In the case of nàrị (100) certain Igbo dialects, notably in the Nsukka and Aguleri areas of Anambra State, traditionally had this for 100. So, we adopted it but modified its spelling. As for zero we specialized efu (nothingness) and, in addition, borrowed but Igbonized the words nọọ̀tụ̀ and zirò, as synonyms.

– E. ‘Nọlue Emenanjọ (1985). “Language Engineering in Present-Day Igbo.” “In: West African languages in education: papers from the fifteenth West African Languages Congress.” p. 85.

Unique Igbo Names, Past & Present

Some unique Igbo names that are from the past and some made up here, that sound quite modern and new.

Dije - di ije, master traveller
Kika - kini ka [Ika dialect] - what is greater
Zikora - zika ora, show the world
Zimoha / Zimora - zima oha/ora, show the world
Chike - chi ike, strong chi
Mozi - mọ ozi, angel
Nisi - na isi, leading the pack
Jozi - je ozi, go on a mission
Biozi - bia ozi, came on a mission
Jamike - salute me
Diji - master yam farmer
Kobi - ka obi, brave hearted
Chika - great chi
Dinka - master artisan, artist
Lema - listen [look] to your chi, look to Chi
Lemachi - listen [look] to your chi, look to Chi
Sochi - follow your chi, follow Chi
Akala - akala aka, destiny
Dinta - hunter
Ajana - earth deity
Soludo - follow peace
Tonna - praise dad
Jemma - go well
Bialije - nwa bialije, a child on a mission
Ohato - The people praised
Atata - adi atata, does not dry (of a river)
Toro - praised
Achilike - achi uwa la [na] ike, don’t rule by force
Duru - di uru, lord, master
Anya - anya ugwu / iro egbulam, may the evil eye not kill me
Ume - breath, life
Jenudo - go in peace
Jenandu - go places in life
Umike - spirited
Juba - ji uba, fill with wealth / yam of wealth
Zuoke - enough
Olanna - father’s jewel
Achike - achi uwa na ike, don’t rule by force
Obisike - strong hearted
Tango - reward eater, ‘enjoyer’
Chitango - reward getter
Ringo / Lingo - eat the reward, ‘enjoy’
Oringo / Olingo - reward eater, ‘enjoyer'
Osondu - the race of life
Bando - enter shade
Nando - in the shade
Bosah - belu olisa, if not for the supreme being

Wednesday, September 19, 2018

Murdering Women in Nigeria [Women's War]

The Crisis, May 1930, p. 164.

“Murdering Women in Nigeria” by Ben N. Azikiwe, better known as Nnamdi Azikiwe. This is a report concerning the Women’s War of 1929 against British taxation and the killings of women in Opobo by British forces. This was published in The Crisis, May 1930, a Black American journal for civil rights, history, politics, and culture founded by W.E.B. Du Bois as the official publication of the NAACP. The reference to the March 1930 issue is the single strip. Nnamdi Azikiwe was a key figure in Nigerian independence who later became the first indigenous Governor General of Nigeria on Nigeria’s independence in 1960 and the first president of Nigeria in 1963.

The Crisis, May 1930, p. 178.

The Crisis, March 1930, p. 98.

The Crisis, May 1930 [Google Books]
The Crisis, March 1930 [Google Books]

[Links Accessed September 19, 2018.]

Monday, September 10, 2018

The Ibo State Union

Endowment Fund. Ibo National High Schools. Ibo State Union Headquarters. 1954.

The Ibo State Union was the main pan-ethnic Igbo organisation from 1948-1966. It started out as the Ibo Federal Union founded in 1944 by the leaders of the Lagos Ibo Union.

In 1943, Dennis Chukude Osadebay, the general secretary of the Ibo Union in Lagos who represented the Asaba Union, launched a campaign to federate all Igbo unions throughout Nigeria resulting in the formation of the Ibo Federal Union in 1944 which later became the Ibo State Union.

The Ibo State Union's goal was for solidarity among the Igbo people as well as support for educational development. Formed by elite Igbo nationalists, the union also functioned as an anti-colonial and nation-building organisation and supported an agenda for Nigerian independence.

The Ibo Federal Union, once headed by Nnamdi Azikiwe and renamed the Ibo State Union in 1948, produced an Igbo national anthem and once planned for a national bank of Igboland. The union also made the 6th November 'Ibo National Day.' The union was close with the NCNC.

The Ibo Federal Union became the Ibo State Union at a 1948 pan-Igbo conference at Aba in order “to organize the Ibo linguistic group into a political unit in accordance with the NCNC Freedom Charter.”

The Ibo State Union was banned in 1966 along with other political parties by the Aguiyi-Ironsi regime through decree 34 of May 24. During its existence, the Ibo State Union was one of the most influential ethnic organisations in Nigeria.

Tuesday, August 28, 2018

The Wet Sahara: A Practical Approach to the Question of the ‘Origin of the Igbo people?’

Image: Ukpuru, referencing The Sahara Megalakes Project, King's College London.

[This is a short theory.]

Thousands of years ago, the Sahara was green with life and sported several lakes, Lake Chad was several times its size, and the Sahara was well populated as shown by petroglyphs (rock art) in the area dating from around the time of the fertile Sahara. The greening (and drying) of the Sahara is periodic, occurring every couple of thousand years (It'll be green again).

In southern Nigeria you have several traditions of people migrating from the north to civilise the south, mainly through agriculture as is explicitly detailed in the story of Eri among the Umueri-Umunri-Igbo. Speculatively, these traditions in southern Nigeria could be very old and recycled stories relating to the end of the last greening of the Sahara, otherwise known as the Neolithic Subpluvial. The finds at Nok, for instance, could possibly point to one of the last civilisations from that period when the Sahara desert, once lush with green, continued to dry out. With this development, people living in the then green Sahara, particularly people who were agriculturalists, would have clung onto fertile land where they could for their sustenance. Major civilisations around the world are known to have started near the banks of rivers, in Nigeria this is no exception where there are several cultures which sprang from near the banks of the Niger and Benue and other rivers. With the theory of expansion from the retreating green Sahara, these rivers would have served as crucial life-lines to the migrants searching for stable sources of water and reliable land.

Manda Guéli Cave in the Ennedi Mountains, northeastern Chad. Photo: David Stanley.

The story of ancient legendary primogenitors usually entails a patriarch who migrated specifically from the north of the present homelands, and was said to have brought civilisation, specifically agriculture, and a political structure. The story usually goes that the man and his entourage met aboriginal people in the area who either took this founder as a leader and were incorporated into the new society or were conquered and sometimes expelled from the area.

One such story is that of Eri, the father and founder of the culture of the Umueri-Umunri-Igbo today in Anambra State, Nigeria. In short, Eri is said to have travelled from someplace north before reaching the Anambra area and settling with his children. Any group of people in the areas that are now desert would cling on to and follow the course of rivers as their lands became arid, which would explain the story of Eri coming to the confluence of the Omambala (Anambra) and Niger. Eri is said to have been taught agriculture from Chi, the four primordial spirits, Eke, Oye, Afo, Nkwo, gave him the knowledge of divination and the market (trading).

The other famous founding father is Oduduwa in the Yoruba-Benin story, who in the general story migrated from a northeast direction with religion and civilisation, the connection to the northeast may be linked to the Niger. The origin of Oduduwa is contested, possibly because the Oduduwa story of founding and civilising may be partly recycled from a more ancient story in the area; both the Yoruba and Benin are far older as a people than even the earliest time Oduduwa could have founded a dynasty. The story around Oduduwa also includes meeting a group of people already living in the area who were expelled, and some coming together to form a society.

The Oduduwa story also refers to the conquered or acculturated aboriginal people as either the Igbo or Ugbo, although the tradition claims that these people are unrelated to the present-day Igbo people (and that’s not being contested here), this word may have a particular meaning and words related to it may be significant to understanding the history of the area. The word comes up in a consistent and related manner in several southern Nigerian languages, for instance, igbo and ugbo alternatively mean hinterland, forest, farm, an ancient people or slave in several languages; ugboko is forest in Igbo, ugbo is farm, igbo is bush in Yoruba; even more speculation says the name 'Igbo' refers to hinterland farmers, as opposed to Oru, an ancient riverine people who are now mostly considered Igbo. Igbo is also used to refer to outsiders by some communities considered to be Igbo today, sometimes derogatorily.

The Igbo, Edo, Yoruba, Fon, and Ewe probably come from a similar migration that met a similar set of aboriginal communities, the igbo or ugbo words may be cognates that originally meant forest in these migrant's languages, this may have been extended to aboriginal people in the hinterland. Perhaps the make up of these societies can be likened to having a similar mother and father, the question is whether it’s the same father and different mother, or the same mother and different father; the Igbo/Ugbo, referring to the speculated aboriginal people, may represent the same mother who is the origin of the many cultural links, and specifically linguistic links, between these populations, and the migrating fathers provide some more remote cultural links from the supposed time in the wet Sahara.

The DNA tests done on Ancient Egyptian mummies such as that of Ramses III showing him to have a strong connection to populations in West Africa, in this theory, would come from the intermingling of populations in the Sahara before it was dried out leading to people fleeing to more reliable water sources. In this theory, the mass migrations from the encroaching desert could have sparked the Bantu migration which is estimated to have likely started around the central eastern part of present day Nigeria which is quite near the edge of the Sahara and between the forest and semi arid zones of West Africa. The population pressure from the migrations, with the supposition that the populations in the Sahara would have had agriculture on their side which made them look for fertile land, may have increased the competition for resources in the area leading to a push of migrants hunting for resources towards the south away from the competition, this may be related to the dense population of the area now known as Nigeria.

The area around Igboland is within the reach of the last bit of the African equatorial forest belt from Central Arfica, from the DNA evidence supposedly showing small amounts of Khoi-San-like ancestry in some Igbo people, it could be that this area shielded a very ancient population for a very long time before the coming of agriculturalists. The Igbo people are said to have migrated from two main regions, one around today's Anambra, and one in Imo, the two migrations formed what is sometimes termed the northern and southern Igbo. The southern Igbo are traced mostly to the Isu culture, while the northern Igbo are traced to the Nri-Ọka area. The Igbo to the west of the Niger migrated from both the northern and the southern Igbo. The high population density in Igboland, as well as the technical innovations found in the area such as with the iron finds at Lejja, Enugu State dating to roughly 2000 BC, may support the idea that this area was a ‘funnel’ made by the Niger and Cross River which drew in high competition from the Sahara as Robert D. Jackson supposes (1975). The intense competition and waves of migrants may also explain the supposed susceptibility of Igbo people to change and new ideas.